Cypern problemet og historien set fra de tyrkiske Cyprioters side!Informations-bidrag om  på  :
Informations-bidrag:
Jan 17, 2006:
THE ORAMS CASE, THE PROPERTY ISSUE AND SUSTAINABLE SETTLEMENT IN CYPRUS
The public persecution of David and Linda Orams through the press is reprehensible especially while the case is sub judice.
All the laments and pleas for "fair justice" by those Greek Cypriots who left their properties in the North and went South pretend that refugee problems and property problems attached to them are the product of Turkey’s arrival in 1974. If this one-sided glance at the picture is replaced by an objective look at the problem, then this is the picture which one sees:
The refugee problem started in 1963 when nearly half of the Turkish Cypriot population had to flee from 103 villages and take refuge in what came to be known as "Turkish enclaves", denied of all their property rights until 1975.
Turkish properties abandoned in the South since 1974 have enriched Greek Cypriots to this day, without any compensation. Homes and other buildings, including 107 mosques have been totally destroyed. Valuable land belonging to Turkish Cypriots in the South has been "compulsorily acquired" without any notification to the owners. Mr. Papadopoulos is on record saying that compensation will be considered when there is a settlement of the Cyprus problem. From the Greek Cypriot press we see, from time to time, the monkey-business which goes on in the South regarding Turkish properties. Not only houses but all buildings in most of the Turkish Cypriot villages have been totally destroyed while vineyards and irrigated lands are being utilized by Greek Cypriot "occupants" free of charge!
To recap, nearly half of the Turkish Cypriot population were deprived of all their rights and use of their properties between 1963-1974, confined to enclaves, living on subsidies from Turkey while defying the attempt of the Greek Cypriot partner to take over the whole island (the homeland of both peoples) and colonize it by giving it to Greece! Economic life for the whole Turkish Cypriot population was thus at the mercy of Greek Cypriots with the result that there was little or no economic life! The message of the period to Turkish Cypriots was very clear and simple, as stated by Mr. Glafkos Clerides:
"The best solution for us is no solution. Next year we shall be where we were the last year, and the next, where we were the year before.
We, the Greek Cypriots, today have the government completely under our control. We do not have the Vice-President with his veto, or the three Turkish Ministers in it. All the Ministers are Greeks. Our Government is the only one internationally recognized. Why should we bring back the Turks? The Turks today control only 3% of the land
the area comprising their enclaves. They haven’t got rich resources and are having difficult times because of economic atrophy. Finally they will have to accept our decisions - or go."
Reported By Aleccos Constantinides in the Greek Cypriot daily Fileleftheros on 20 September 1992.
But for the intervention of Turkey in July 1974, this vision of Mr. Clerides would have been realized, had Greece succeeded in its coup of 1974.
After 1974, it was agreed that we would shape the future under a bi-zonal federal structure, Turkish Cypriots living in the North and Greek Cypriots in the South (where they had respectively consolidated as a result of the coup, events following the intervention, and the 1975 agreement for population exchange). The events of the 1963-1974 period and the 1974 coup made bi-zonality an imperative security need for Turkish Cypriots and it was on this new reality and basis that negotiations were set in motion, on and off, until today.
Had Greek Cypriot leaders from Kyprianou onwards wanted a settlement on the basis of the High Level Agreements, they should have not told their people that there would be no settlement until Greek Cypriot refugees returned to their properties in the North.
After the decision on bi-zonality, in line with the voluntary exchange of population agreement of 1975, half of the Turkish Cypriot population moved from South to North.
Allocation of Greek Cypriot properties in the North to these people was done out of necessity. In time, these allocations were reviewed and formalized under our "Equal Valuation Law", which we believe is in line with the agreed principle of bi-zonality. The factor of imminent necessity was there because no-one would invest in such properties and no-one would be able to lease or mortgage such properties, get money and use it for the development of them. The fact that this was a painstaking, difficult and sensitive job is clear from the fact that, even today, some allocations are being contested in Court. In any case, all UN proposals that followed, including the latest Annan Plan, contained provisions that regulated the freedom of settlement and the right to properties in order to safeguard bi-zonality.
Had the Greek Cypriot leadership wanted or needed a settlement, they would not have challenged these proposals, mainly on the ground that Greek Cypriot refugees were denied the right of return to their old habitats.
Those of us who wanted permanent peace in the island believed (and continue to believe) that the huge movement of population which was necessitated by the violence into which the island was pushed (started by the Greek Cypriot side and Greece) needed a political settlement. The attempt to demote and treat the Cyprus issue in the confines of the right to properties of the individual (which also has to be respected), disregards the constitutionally protected collective rights dimension of the issue, as well as the political reasons for the movement of population on both sides and the need for personal security, especially for Turkish Cypriots who were almost eradicated from the island.
Coming back to the Orams’ case, hundreds of British and other foreign residents have bought properties from TRNC title-deed holders in the North. This has been going on for years. Now, the advent of the Greek Cypriot side, under the false title of the legitimate government of Cyprus, into the EU has given the Greek Cypriot side (which is using the EU as a means of achieving what it failed to achieve between 1963-1974) the opportunity to further its political design by bringing civil action against these residents who have acquired properties in good faith.
As stated by the President of the Greek Cypriot Bar Association, Nicos Papaefstathiou, on 29 September 2004, the property question should be settled through political discussions and not through the courts. This is what we have been saying all along.
Over the last 25 or so years, the Turkish Cypriot side has been trying to apply the mutually agreed principle of bi-zonality in North Cyprus. Can this be undone now? Over the last 30 years, the character of each plot has changed, several pieces of property have changed hands 3 or 4 times.
We call upon Greek Cypriot leaders to put aside excuses and to uphold the mutually agreed principles of bi-zonality and political equality so that a political settlement can be possible. We also call upon them not to prevent their people from applying for redress to our institutions.
Serdar Denktas
Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs
Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus
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Dette bidrag taler efter skribentens mening HVERKEN FOR ELLER IMOD Grækenland. |
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Skribent: |
Henrik Voss |
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